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V 


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Sciences 
Corpomton 


23  WEST  MAIN  STREET 

WEBSTER,  NY.  14580 

(716)  872-4503 


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1 

* 

!    i    : 

4 

8 

6 

mp 


m 


THE  ] 


SPEECH 


OP 


MK.  COCKE,  OF  TENNESSEE, 


ON 


THE  OREGON  QUESTION, 


DELIVERED  IN 


*HE  HOUSE  OP  REPRESENTATIVES  OF  THE  UNITED  STATES,  JAN.  15, 1846. 


WASHINGTON: 

^.  *  G.  S.  GIDEON,  PRINTERS. 
1846. 


(;■(' 


fi'V. 


.ift 


SPEECH. 


The  House  having  resolved  itself  into  a  Committee  of  the  Whole  upon  the 
4Btate  of  the  Union,  and  the  following  resolution,  reported  from  the  Cora- 
tnittee  on  Foreign  Affairs,  being  under  consideration,  to  wit:  '  ^'*"'''    * 

"Resolved  ky  the  Senate  and  Howe  of  RepresenUUives  of  the  Utuled  States  of  America  in,- Cmigreu 
■ttisenAled,  That  the  President  of  the  United  States  forthwith  cause  notice  to  be  given  to  the 
Government  of  Great  Britain,  that  the  convention  between  the  United  States  and  Great  Britain, 
•concerning  the  territory  of  Oregon,  of  the  6th  of  August,  1827,  signed  at  London,  shall  be  an- 
fiuUed  and  abrogated,  twelve  months  after  the  expiration  of  the  said  term  of  notice,  coaforiiMbly 


%o  the  second  article  of  the  said  convention  of  the  Cth  of  August,  1827." 


'M*l  Vd 


Mr.  InoERsoLL  proposes  to  amend  by  erasing  all  after  the  word  ''shall,*' 
and  insert  the  following: 


"  Shall  be  annulled  and  abrogated  at  the  expiration  of  the  term  of  twelve  months  from  and 
after  said  notice  shall  be  given,  conformably  to  the  2d  article  of  the  wid  convention  of  the  6th  of 
August,  1827." 

Mr.  HiLLiARD  proposes  to  amend  by  erasing  the  words  "forthwith  cause 
notice  to  be  given,"  and  insert  "be  empowered,  whenever  in  his  judgment 
the  public  welfare  may  require  it,  to  give  notice." 


UIJ 


]^r.  COCKE;  being  entitled  to  the  floor,  addressed  the  committee,  aQcl 
ic^iimwenced  by  observing  that  it  was  but  yesterday  when  our  country  pre- 
sentjed  a  scene  of  peace  and  proisperity  which  filled  every  American  boeom 
iwiti)  joy.  We  saw  under  our  republican  form  of  government  a  people  pro^- 
p^rpus  and  contented ;  the  husbandman  was  at  home  in  his  tield ,  enjoying  the 
<Qiii«t>  hajtpiness  of  rural  life;  the  mechanic  was  busy  in  his  workshop*  the 
ineccb^nt  at  hie  books,  and  all  was  peace  throughout  the  land .  Industry  re- 
•fifiibved  its  «Ml^qa^  reward ,  and  t,tad&  and  pnt^rprise ,  after  being  for  yes^r^  par- 
^y%Q4,  hftd  regained  its  vigpr  and  streiigth.  Such  had  been  the  case  wh«n 
Mx.  p.,  pot  ten  w«eks  since,  hsid  left  his  hompand  set  out  fur  thjs  place, a^ 
the  Eepf«sent£^tive  of  a  gallant  people.  But  the  glorious  spectacle  whichtben 
ijlled  the  ^reast  with  a  patriotic  delight  ha^  undergone  a  sudden  change,  £^)(| 
l^lth9jC|^ftBwa».npvtri\n,ffj?i^B4,,  ^f  %e[o9ke^»fer9ad|nan>rdirsctipn,:<Sf 


beheld  a  dark  cloud  hanging  witli  lowering  and  threatening  aspect.  The 
multerings  of  the  rising  tempest  are  distinctly  heard  in  the  distance;  and  llw 
hurried  clouds  and  furious  wind,  which  have  been  raging  around  us  here, 
•admonish  us  of  its  speedy  approach.  Yes,  in  that  House  some  gentlemen 
were  found  bold  enough  to  stand  forth  far  beyond  the  line  which  wisdom 
and  prudent  counsels  would  mark  out,  and,  baring  their  bosoms  to  the 
shock,  had  almost  invoked  its  vengeance  and  defied  its  power. 

The  sound  of  the  war  bugle  had  fallen  upon  the  ears  of  the  nation  like 
a  thunder-clap  in  a  clear  sky.  They  had  not  seen  the  danger,  nor  had 
they  anticipated  its  approach.  Well  may  they  ask,  with  painful  anxiety, 
what  does  all  this  mean?  I  answer,  that  it  has  grown  out  of  the  first  effort 
of  the  Executive  to  settle  our  difficulties  with  a  foreign  Power,  with  refer- 
ence to* party  considerations,  which  Mr.  C.  would  endeavor  to  notice  more 
at  length  in  the  course  of  his  argument. 

Mr.  C.  had  no  intention  to  cast  injurious  reflections  on  those  who  had 
preceded  him  in  this  debate.     He  trusted  that  they  had  all  been  actuated 
by  the  purest  and  most  patriotic  motives.     If  he  knew  his  own  bosom,  and 
did  not  mistake  the  impulses  of  his  own  heart,  he  was  ready  to  go  as  far  as 
he  who  went  farthest  to  sustain  the  interest,  and  honor,  and  integrity  of  the 
nation.    His  colleague  over  the  way,  (Mr.  Stanton,)  who  had  addressed 
the  House  on  yesteiday ,  had  vouched  for  the  patriotism  of  genUemen  of  his 
own  political  school ,  and  seemed  fondly  to  hope  that  his  colleagues,  who 
differed  from  him  in  political  opinion,  would  exhibit  the  same  patriotism  on 
the  present  question .     In  this  remark  hia  colleague  seemed  to  entertain  a 
doubt  on  that  point,  but  Mr.  C.  could  assure  him,  and  assure  the  country, 
that  his  colleagues  on  this  side  of  the  House,  though  they  might  differ  with 
the  honorable  gentleman  in  their  political  course,  were  actuated  by  as  high 
and  patriotic  motives  as  any  gentleman  on  that  floor.     He  felt  that  he 
slionid  be  unworthy  to  represent  any  portion  of  the  gallant  people  of  Ten- 
nessee, could  he  now  betray  a  cowardly  and  recreant  spirit,  that  feared  ta 
bear  aloft  the  banner  of  his  country.     Yes,  the  people  of  Tennessee  had 
proved  their  patriotic  spirit  in  many  a  hard-fought  battle-field,  and  never 
yet  had  been  found  wanting  in  maintaining  the  honor  of  their  native  soil. 
Ne^d  he  allude  to  the  various  memorable  spots  where  they  had  poured  out 
their  best  blood  in  her  cause?     Need  he  name  the  battle-fields  of  the  Horse- 
Shoe,  of  Talladega,  and  of  Emucfau?    There  might  be  seen  their  courage 
and  patriotism  brightly  manifested.    Mr.  C.  would  be  unworthy  to  repre- 
sent them  could  he  act  a  cowardly  part,  or  should  he  be  actuated  by  a  piti- 
ful and  dastardly  spirit  on  a  great  national  question  like  this.    No;  he  was 


with 

high 
hat  he 

Ten- 
ared  tO' 
see  had 

never 
ive  soil, 
red  out 

Horse- 
courage 

repre- 
Y  a  piti- 
he  wa» 


Actuated  by  no  such  motive.  He  wished  not  heedkssly  and  recklessly  to 
approach  the  consideration  of  a  question  which  so  deeply  involved  the  peace, 
prosperity,  and  happiness  of  his  country.  He  thought  they  all  should  ap- 
proach it  witli  due  deliberation,  prepared  to  act  as  it  became  American 
statesmen.  He  had  said  that  on  the  issue  of  this  question,  as  it  had  been 
presented  in  the  report  of  the  honorable  chairman  from  the  Committee  on 
Foreign  Affairs,  depended  the  peace  of  the  nation.  On  thi'  subject  he 
trusted  that  he  should  be  able  to  cite  an  authority  which  would  be  consider- 
ed among  the  highest  that  could  be  adduced  by  gentlemen  on  both  aides  of 
the  House. 

It  would  be  unnecessary  for  him,  upon  the  present  occasion,  to  trace  the 
grounds  of  the  American  title  to  the  Oregon  territory ;  they  had  been  placed 
before  the  country  by  the  publication  of  the  history  of  our  negotiation  on 
that  subject  since  1818,  and  the  country  seemed  to  be  well  apprized  of  every 
link  in  that  chain  of  title  by  which  we  clahned  the  country.  But  Mr.  C. 
was  not  one  of  those  who  affirmed  that  Great  Britain  had  no  riglits  in  Ore- 
gon. He  claimed  the  rights  which  belonged  to  us,  and  his  constituents 
stood  ready  to  risk  their  lives,  their  fortunes,  and  all  they  possessed  to  de- 
fend those  rights.  But  Great  Britain  also  claimed  rights  there  which  per- 
tained to  her.  If  those  rights  should  be  wholly  denied — ^if  nothing  but  the 
whole  of  Oregon  would  satisfy  our  demand,  as  some  gentlemen  had  insist- 
ed, an  injurious  reflection  would  necessarily  be  cast  upon  the  administrations 
of  Mr.  Monroe,  Mr.  Adams,  and  even  the  present  Executive,  as  well  as  on 
■a  large  portion  of  his  Democratic  friends  in  that  House.  He  was  unwilling 
to  cast  such  reflections — it  was  not  his  purpose  to  reflect  improperly  upon 
any  one — but  when  the  question  was  examined,  we  should  see  where  tiie 
high  functionaries  of  the  nation  had  placed  this  controversy. 

Our  Government  upon  four  successive  occasions  has  offered  to  divide  the 
Oregon  territory  with  Great  Britain  by  the  49th  parallel  of  north  latitude . 
In  the  negotiations  of  1818,  1824,  and  1826  we  offered  Great  Britain  to  di- 
vide Oregon  with  her  by  the  49th  degree  of  north  latitude ;  and  on  two  of 
these  occasions  we  had  added  the  concession  of  the  free  navigation  of  the 
Columbia  river.     The  venerable  gentleman  from  Massachusetts,  though 
now  foremost  in  the  clamor  for  the  wnole  of  Oregon,  yet  in  1818  and  1824, 
tlien  intimately  associated  with  Mr.  Monroe  as  Secretary  of  State,  made  no 
opposition  to  the  proposition  to  give  to  Great  Britain  one-half  of  the  country 
with  all  the  lights  before  him,  though  now  he  insisted  so  strenuously  on 
our  right  to  the  whole.     Again,  when  the  venerable  gentleman  came  into 
ihe  Presidential  chair  he  offered  to  compromise  the  difficulty  by  ado^tinjj 


the  49th  parallel  as  a  boundary.  If  the  British  Government  had  no  rights 
in  Oregon,  I  pit  it  to  the  gentleman  to  tell  the  country  why  it  wbh  that 
upon  these  several  occasions,  he,  as  an  American  statesmen  and  diplomatist^ 
was  willing  to  grant  to  a  foreign  Power  a  country  to  which  he  now  seems 
to  think  our  title  so  remarkably  clear.  The  present  Executive,  through  hi? 
Secretary  of  State,  (Mr.  Buchanan,)  has  during  the  past  summer  again 
repeated  the  offer  to  Great  Britain  of  the  49th  parallel,  and  many  of  his 
Democratic  Triends  had  not  been  backward  in  declaring  that  it  was  fair 
and  honorable,  and  just  in  the  President  to  go  that  length, 

Mr.  C.  did  not  wish  this  great  question,  of  so  much  public  concern,  t«> 
assume  in  this  discussion  a  party  character.  Let  us  have  our  party  dissen- 
sion at  home;  but,  in  considering  our  foreign  relations,  let  us  soar  far  above 
mere  party  dictation,  and  look  alone  to  the  best  interest  of  our  country.  It 
was  not  a  subject  for  mere  party  strife;  it  was  a  national  question,  in  the 
strictest  sense  of  the  term ,  and  should  be  placed  high  above  all  party  in- 
fluences. The  feelings  and  associations  of  mere  party  politics  should  not 
be  suffered  to  approach  it.  But  Mr.  O.  must  be  permittedto  allude  to  what 
had  been  the  course  of  some  of  those  gentlemen  who  were  now  most  clamo- 
rous for  the  instant  abrogation  of  the  convention  of  1827,  and  for  asserting 
our  title  to  the  whole  of  Oregon,  let  the  consequences  be  what  they  might. 
He  desired  to  refer  such  gentlemen  to  the  resolutions  of  the  Baltimore  Con- 
vention in  1844,  and  which  the  Democratic  ptuty  stood  pledged  to  act  upon. 
Thnse  resolutions  declared  diat  we  must  go  for  the  whole  of  Oregon;  this 
formed  one  prominent  topic  in  the  Baltimore  Democratic  creed.  What  had 
the  President  declared  in  his  inaugural  address?  He  had  reiterated  the 
principle  embodied  in  the  Baltimore  resolutions.  Yet,  how  had  he  acted 
in  reference  to  these  professions  and  pledges,  when  he  had  obtained  posses- 
sion of  the  Executive  chair?  Forgetful  of  the  Baltimore  resolutions;  for- 
getful of  the  terms  of  his  own  inaugural ;  forgetful  of  those  articles  in  the 
government  official  and  in  the  Democratic  jjajjers  of  less  notoriety  tlirough- 
out  the  country  claiming  "  the  whole  of  Oregon,  or  none,"  he  had  turned 
his  back  upon  his  own  avowed  principles,  and  had  offered  to  cede  away  one- 
half  of  a  territory  to  which ,  as  he  had  since  declared  in  his  message  to  this 
House,  the  American  title  was  "  clear  and  unquestionable,"  and  which 
iritood  upon  "  irrefragable  facts  and  arguments,"  Such  had  been  the  his- 
tory of  that  question;  but  now  the  whole  of  Oregon  was  claimed  in  the 
message,  insisting  that  our  title  to  the  whole  must  be  maintained  tit  all  haz- 
ards; and  some  gentlemen  in  that  House,  unmindful  too  of  former  pledges,, 
when  they  had  ascertained  that  the  President  had  left  the  line  of  54°  40', 


I 


and 

«quii 

49°, 

otir  t 

title  t 

Stan 

positic 

shouh 

would 

such  I 

have  a 

retary 

of  this 

fer  had 

title  to 

and  no 

Oregon 

every  sp 

portion 

away. 

It  is  8 
of  those 
this  Orej 
gi'ee,  in( 
pursued 
the  sessi( 
the  Hon 
giving  n( 
They  to 
longed 
and  that 
j  udginen 
prepared 
sired  to  i 
reading ; 
of  which 
''As  to 
of  1827, 


J  rights 
OH  that 
)matistr 
\f  seem* 
lUgh  hi* 
>r  again 
y  of  hi« 
was  fair 

icern ,  to 

y  dissen- 

far  above 

ntry.    It 

n,ini  ihe       j 
party  in- 

liould  not 

ie  to  what 

ost  clamo- 

r  asserting 

\ey  might. 

nore  Con- 

,  act  upon . 

regon;  this 
Wliat  had 

Lcrated  the     | 

d  he  acted 

ned  posses- 

utions;  for- 
icles  in  the 
ty  tlirough- 
had  turned 
e  away  one-  ; 
esage  to  this  | 
and  which  ; 
een  the  his- 
imed  in  the 
d  at  all  haz- 
mer  pledges^ 
e  of  54°  40', 


«« 4  It        :  I  .  .1  i 

and  had  come  dolv^  to  the  lih^  of  40**,  endoreed  that  positioh  as  a  ftiir  aifhl 
equitable  proposition ;  yet  when  the  President  refuses  to  stand  to  his  offer  of 
49°,  and  returns  to  the  principles  of  the  Baltimore  resolutions,  and  asserts 
our  title  to  the  whole  of  Oregon,  they  instantly  follow,  and  declare  that  out 
title  to  the  whole  territory  must  be  maintained.  Yet  my  colleague,  (Mr. 
Stantox,)  in  his  speech  on  yesterday,  remarked,  in  the  face  of  the  present 
position  of  the  President  and  of  many  of  his  fHends,  that  if  Great  Britain 
should  now  accept  the  offer  of  the  49th  parallel ,  no  American  statesman 
would  say  our  Government  should  not  accept  that  compromise;  indeed, 
such  have  been  the  sentiments  of  many  of  the  friends  of  the  Executive  who 
have  addressed  this  House.  After  the  present  Executive,  through  his  Sec- 
retary of  State,  had  offered  to  the  British  Government  to  give  up  one-half 
of  this  territory,  by  adopting  the  49th  parallel  as  a  boundary;  after  that  of- 
fer had  been  rejected  by  the  British  Minister  and  then  withdrawn,  and  our 
title  to  the  whole  again  asserted,  the  question  presented  itself  in  this  view 
and  no  other:  The  President,  after  having  offered  to  give  away  one-half  of 
Oregon,  now  called  upon  the  nation  to  maintain,  at  all  hazards  and  by 
every  sacrifice  which  courage  and  patriotism  could  prompt ,  our  right  to  that 
portion  of  the  country  which  he  had  himself  very  coolly  offered  to  give 
away. 

It  is  a  little  remarkable  to  observe  what  course  had  been  pursued  by  some 
of  those  iri6k  conspicuous  in  the  nation  for  the  zeal  professed  by  them  ofl 
this  Oregon  question.  To  Mr.  C.  that  course  appeared,  in  no  small  de- 
gree, inconsistent  and  unaccountable.  What  course,  for  example,  had  been 
pursued  by  the  Committee  on  Territories  in  that  House  two  years  ago,  in 
the  session  of  1843?  The  ground  assumed  in  their  report  had  been,  that 
the  House  of  Representatives  possessed  no  power  to  pass  a  joint  resolution 
giving  notice  to  England  of  the  termination  of  the  convention  of  1827.  ' 
They  took  ground  directly  against  the  notice,  maintaining  that  it  be- 
longed to  the  treaty  power,  and  not  to  the  National  Legislature  to  give  it; 
and  that  the  President  would  doubtless  give  the  notice  whenever,  in  hie ' 
judgment,  the  public  mterest  should  require.  Although  he  was  not  now 
prepared  to  endorse  this  opinion,  and  waiving  it  for  the  present,  yet  he  de- 
sired to  refresh  the  memories  of  gentlemen.  He  v/ould  take  the  liberty  of 
reading  an  extract  from  the  report  then  made  by  a  committee,  the  chairman 
of  which  was  the  standard-bearer  of  the  Democratic  party  in  Tennessee:     > 

*' As  to  the  twelve  months'  notice,  required  to  be  given  by  the  convention 


of  1827,  the  committee  do  not  regard  that  as  at 


;cessary,  in  order  to 


8 


«pcn  the  way  (o  such  dclion  as  it  contemplated  by  this  bill.  The  commit- 
tee do  not  know  that,  for  tlie  purpose  of  organizing  such  a  government  as  is 
now  contemplated,  it  is  at  all  important  to  annul  or  abrogate  that  convention. 
That  country  is  large,  and  there  is  evidently  room  enough  for  the  subjects 
and  citizens  of  both  countries  in  the  exercise  of  all,thcir  enterprise  in  trade  and 
commerce.  Al*  that  will  be  required  of  them  is  to  conform  to  the  laws, 
And  to  respect  the  institutions  which  we  may  establish.  Doing  this,  we 
ehall  never  envy  the  equal  participation  in  the  benefits  and  advantages  to 
be  derived  from  a  well-organized  system  of  Government.  Any  possible  in- 
convenience arising  from  the  continuance  of  the  convention  of  1827,  not 
now  anticipated  by  the  committee,  ran,  and  doubtless  will,  be  looked  to  by 
the  Executive,  who  can,  at  any  time,  abrogate  the  same  by  giving  the  no- 
tice contei»plated  in  it.  The  giving  of  that  notice,  being  a  matter  of  treaty 
stipulation,  belongs,  perhaps,  exclusively  to  the  Executive,  on  whose  prov- 
ince there  is  no  occasion ,  and  the  committee  have  no  inclination,  to  intrude." 

Now,  he  would  ask,  who  was  the  chairman  who  made  this  report  to  the 
House?  It  was  the  present  Governor  of  Tennessee,  the  Hon.  A.  V.  Brown, 
«  prominent  member  of  the  last  Congress.  And  of  whom  did  the  conunit- 
tee  consist?  It  consisted  of  (he  Hon.  Mr.  Daniel,  of  North  Carolina,  the 
Hon.  Mr.  Houston,  of  Alabama,  the  present  chairman  of  this  committee, 
'(Mr.  Tibbatts,  of  Kentucky,)  and  the  Hon,  Mr.  Wentworth,  of  Illinois, 
'^the  same  gentleman  who  had  on  yesterday  spoken  with  so  mu,ch  Cjirnest- 
ness  iu  behalf  of  the  notice,  together  with  Mr.  Dimcan,  of  Ohio.  Of  these 
six  gentlemen,  four  were  now  members  of  this  House.  The  report  con- 
lested  the  right  of  Congress  to  interfere  with  the  question  of  notice,  inas- 
much as  that  belonged  to  the  treaty  power,  and  the  connnittee  had  neither 
ithe  right  nor  (he  inclination  to  infringe  upon  (he  duties  of  the  Executive 
(department. 

[Mr.  Wentworth  here  intei-posed,  and  said  he  had  not  heard  the  re- 
mai'k  of  the  gentleman  in  which  his  name  was  introduced.  He  would 
thank  the  gentleman  to  repeat  it.J 

Mr.  C.  said  he  had  named  Mr.  W.  as  one  member  of  the  Committee  on 
Terrhories,  in  the  last  Congress,  from  which  a  report  had  been  niade  that 
■Congress  had  no  power  to  give  such  a  notice  as  that  proposed ,  and  the  pro- 
duction of  (he  report  at  the  present  moinent  did  but  prove  the  truth  of  the 
old  adage,  which  declared  that  ''old  documents  were  dangerous  things."    . 

[Mr.  Wentworth  said  that  no  man  on  that  floor  would  accuse  him  of 
Advocating  any  such  doctrine.  The  report  had  been  drawn  up  by  Mr.  A. 
V.  Bro»vn,  and  Mr.  W,  had  disclaimed  the  position  in  "  'ninority  report.] 


Mr.  C.  sa 

[Mr.  Wei 
nan  had  rel 
It  the  Clerk 

Mr.  W., 
.0  nothing  n 
)(  passing  tl 
ihe  Oregon ! 
take  both  to 

Mr.  C. 
to  the  Presi( 

[Mr.  W. 

Mr.  C.n 
gcnt'rtman  I 
man  from  I 
delivered  oe 
and  further 
tract: 

''There  , 
they  arose, 
collision  wa 
a  question  : 
the  notice 
on  Territo 
acting  strit 
that  they  w 
regard  to 
occupation 
intend  to  h 

In  reply 
Adams,)  h 

"He  wo 
differed  esi 
mittee  on 
nation  of 
House  ha 
er  was  ex] 
That  w 
Teply  he  t 


9 

Mr.  C.  said  there  was  no  minority  report  on  file.      .i-uij  ^fj     .mtiMi  i^ 
[Mr.  Wentworth  then  requested  that  the  extract  to  which  the  gentle- 
nan  had  referred  might  be  read  by  the  Clerk.  And  it  was  read  accordingly 
It  the  Clerk's  table. 

Mr.  W.,  having  listened  attentively  to  the  extract,  said  that  it  amounted 
.0  nothing  more  Uian  what  he  hod  said  yesterday.  He  had  been  in  favor 
:>f  passing  the  Oregon  bill  without  the  notice,  or  passing  the  notice  without 
he  Oregon  bill,  iuid  that  the  House  should  take  one  or  ihe  other,  but  not 
take  both  together.] 

Mr.  C.    Yes;  but  the  report  said  that  the  givinflr  of  the  notice  belonged 
, to  the  President,  and  not  to  Congress.  ., 

[Mr.  W.  replied,  that  it  had  been  written  by  Mr.  Brown.] 
Mr.  C.  now  resumed.  Such  had  then  been  the  doctrine  of  a  loading 
£;ent!nman  from  Tennessee,  though  not,  as  il  now  nppearod,  of  the  gt;ntle< 
man  from  Illinois.  In  the  speech  of  the  same  goiitlenmn  from  Tennessee, 
delivered  on  the  27th  January,  1S45,  the  same  doctrine  was  again  avowed, 
and  further  enforced.  Mr.  C.  read  from  that  speech  the  following  ex-, 
■tract: 

I  *< There  might  be  collisions,  to  be  sure,  in  joint  occupation;  and  when 
they  arose,  they  must  be  provided  for;  but  the  question  of  the  probability  of 
collision  was  not  one  which  addressed  itself  tj  this  House  at  all.  That  was 
.  a  question  for  the  consideration  of  the  Executive,  whether  we  should  give 
the  notice  contemplated  by  the  convention  of  1827.  Now,  the  Committee 
on  Territories  bp'ieved,  when  they  reported  this  bill,  that  they  were 
acting  stricUy  and  exclusively  within  the  legislative  powers  of  Congress; 
that  they  were  leaving  the  Executive  to  act, when  and  how  it  pleased,  with 
regard  to  giving  this  notice  to  terminate. what  was  usually  called  the  join'* 
occupation  of  this  country.  That  was  a  question  with  which  they  did  not 
intend  to  interfere."  ,, 

In  reply  to  this  speech ,  the  honorable  gentleman  from  Massachusetts,  (Mr. , 
Adams,)  had  made  the  following  remarks:  ; 

i    .  "He  would  give  the  twelve  monUis'  notice,  because,  in  that  respect,  he 
differed  essentially  from  the  principle  advanced  by  the  chairman  of  the  Com-<] 
mittee  on  Territories,  tliat  this  House  had  nothing  to  do  with  the  termi-^- 
nation  of  the  joint  occupancy.     On  the  contrary,  he  believed  tliat  this 
House  had  every  thing  to  do  with  it,  because  it  was  war, and  the  war  pow-. 
er  was  expressly  given  to  Congress  by  the  Constitution." 

•  That  was  the  position  then  taken  by  the  venerable  gentleman.    In  his 
^eply  he  then  said  that  the  notice  was  war;  now  he  says  that  it  is  not  war. 


1« 


but  peace.    He  then  coiitMed  tlte  epiniOR  of  the  cimirman,  who  deiued|i^e  could  inv 
the  power  of  the  Kou^  to  pMs  the  notice,  expre^Iy  upon  the  grotind  that|o  victory. 
the  nodcfe  fthiounted  to  w»,  and,  therefore,  the  House  ou^ht  to  be  a  partyj   Mr .  C .  tho 
to  it,  because  the  House,  by  the  Constitution,  possessed  the  power  of  de-|iven  to'Oveti 
(Aftring  ^hr.    The  gentlehmn  then  bounded  the  note  of  war,  insisting  ^at^iinistration 
GWlgress  iilone  could  give  the  notice,  and  that  the  Pi-esident,  without  thellt  was  that  \ 
Gongrefe,  oould  not  give  it,  because  CongTeSa,  and  not  the  President,  wa» President  asl 
the  war-makittg  power.    At  that  time,  according  to  the  gentleman,  to  give  {maintained 
the  notice  was  to  declare  war;  the  notice  was  war.    Yes,  and  pass  this  re- ^ Great  Britaii 
solution  or  amendment,  now  uiider  consideration,  in  the  existing  state  of  who  did  not 
the  jiegotiation,  and  carry  out  the  recommendations  of  the  Executive  in  as- 'might,  war 
sorting  our  title  to  the  whole  of  the  Oregon  teiritory,  and  war  with  aU  its  the  result, 
hon-ors  will  be  the  inevitable  consequence.    What  was  the  existing  stale  of'  of  the  Oreg 
the  negotiation  ?    We  had  been  trying  for  years  to  settle  our  difficulties  with  i  the  national 
Gireat  Britain  on  this  Oregon  question,  and  had  not  succeeded.    The  British  !  %e  country 
envoy  durmg  the  last  summer  made  us  an  offer,  which  we  had  rejected.  '      Mr.  C.  h 
Our  Government  then  jwoposed  again  to  Great  Britain  the  forty-ninth  paral-  \  here  let  hin 
lei  as  a  permanent  boundary  between  the  two  Governments — an  offer  which  |  upon  what 
Was  not  so  favorable  as  those  we  had  made  on  two  former  occeaions.    It 
wns  refused.    Whereupon  our  Minister,  by  the  direction  of  the  President,. 
hard  mstantly  Withdrawn  it.     This  appeared  to  Mr.  C.  rather  a  petulant 
and  childish  act,  and  he  had  no  doubt  it  had  been  done  in  a  temporary  fit 
of  ill-temper.    Where  had  been  the  necessity  to  withdraw  it?    The  British 
envoy  had  not  wilMrawn  his  offer  on  its  rejection  by  us,  and  the  countiy 
was  now  to  be  involved  in  war  for  the  "whole"  of  Oregon,"  one  half  of' 
which  the  President  had  offered  to  give  away.     The  American  people  were 
always  ready,  if  war  was  inevitable,  to  breast  the  stonn  and  stand  by  their 
country  right  or  wrong,  and  they  would  pledge  united  hands  and  hearts  to- 
its  triumphant  prosecution.    But  who  did  not  desire  that  the  grounds  of  our 
quarrel  should  be  just,  that  we  should  be  manifestly  right  before  the  world; 
because  then  we  should  have  the  sympathies  of  mankind  with  us;  and  be- 
cause then  We  might  with  leason  hope  that  the  spirit  of  the  living  God^ — 
that  same  spirit  which  had  graciously  hovered  over  our  arms  heretofore* — 
Would  agam  spread  his  wings  #ftr  out  defence,  and  inspire  our  armies  with 
dietermrned  valor?    He  had  bc^  With  hb  in  our  revolutionary  struggle,  anti 
ift'our  l&st  contest  with  the  Ame  im^rious  Power  he  had  again  appeared 
for  our  help,  and  had  nerved  the  arms  of  our  soldiers  and  tnctrshaUed  thetrt 
ob  td  victory.    Let  our  cause  be  as  just  now  as  it  had  been  heretofore,  and 


tars  been  m 
visited  with 
a  single  ins 
to  go  as  far 
ed ,  he  slot 
Until  this  I 
passed  thei 
it  in  its  pt 
must  cont 
rashly  pla 
He  had 
this  ]-i0S!ti 
condition 
con<iition 
heavy  in 
hundred 
than  twe 
now ,  an< 
linoie  ov 
not  ever 
comstati 


11 

<i^no  derMed|(re  could  invoke  high  Heaven,  and  God  himself  would  lead  us  forth  agftin 
ground  tha«|o  victory. 

[o  be  a  paWyl  Mr .  C .  thought  that  he  had  shown  thftt  if  the  notice  in  Its  present  form  wa» 
wer  of  de-iiven  to  Gi eat  Britain,  war  was  the  inevitable  consequence,  unless  the  Ad- 
sisting  fliat|iiinistration  should  abandon  its  present  position .  What  was  the  proposition  ? 
Without  theflt  was  that  we  should  terminate  the  convention  of  joint  occupation.  The 
isident,  was^President  asked  that  our  rights  to  the  whole  territory  should  be  asserted  and 
an,  to  giVelinaintained,  although  we  had  four  times  offered  to  divide  the  country  with 
IS  this  re-  *Great  Britain .  If  we  should  enter  on  the  occupation  of  the  whole  territory  ,► 
ng  state  of  who  did  not  see  that  war  would  be  inevitable  ?  It  was  so:  disguise  it  as  we 
utive  in  as- 'might,  war  with  all  its  terrors,  and  all  its  miseries  and  sacrifices,  would  be 
ith  aH  its  the  result.  Such  being  the  case,  as  the  assertion  of  our  right  to  the  whole 
ng  state  of '  of  the  Oregon  territory  did  not  in  his  opinion  involve  at  all  the  question  of 
culties with  |  the  national  honor,  we  might  with  great  propriety  look  at  the  condition  oT 
The  British  !  the  country  and  its  state  of  preparation  for  war. 

ad  rejected.  '  Mr.  C .  had  said  that  this  question  did  not  involve  our  national  honor,  and 
unth  paral-  i  here  let  him  ask  gendemen  who  were  so  clamorous  upon  this  occasion,, 
offer  which  |  upon  what  sea  had  Great  Britain  insulted  our  flag  ?  When  had  our  gallant 
iasions.  It  I  tars  been  impressed  into  her  service  ?  What  American  citizen  had  been 
"resident,,  f  visited  with  oppression  by  her  ?  Point  him  to  the  time  and  place,  show  him. 
H  petulant  '  a  single  instance  when  such  a  thing  had  taken  place,  and  then  he  was  ready 
to  go  as  far  as  he  who  went  farthest.  When  such  a  fact  should  be  establish- 
ed, he  stood  ready  and  prepared  to  vindicate  the  rights  of  our  citizens. 
Until  this  should  appear,  he  must  notr  ashly  pass  the  Rubicon ,  which  once 
passed  there  could  be  no  receding.  This  resolution  was  the  Rubicon;  pass 
it  in  its  present  shape,  and  the  Government  must  go  on  at  all  hazards,  or 
must  content  itself  to  retire  within  the  49th  parallel.  Mr.  C.  should  not 
rashly  place  the  country  in  that  position. 

He  had  said  that  the  nation  was  not  pre  ...d  for  such  a  contest;  and  iifc 
this  j-tosition  he  was  borne  otit  by  our  past  history,  as  well  as  by  the  present 
condition  of  the  country.  Should  not  our  Government  consider  well  that 
con<;ition?  Look  at  the  States  of  the  Union  groaning  under  the  weight  o( 
heavy  indebtedness  they  cannot  meet.  Did  they  not  owe  more  than  two- 
hundred  millions  of  dollars,  the  interest  on  which  alone  amounts  to  ntore 
than  twelve  millions  annually  ?  The  States  weie  unable  to  discharge  this 
now,  and  when  was  it  to  be  met?  Pennsylvania  owed  forty  millionfl;  Il- 
linois owed  from  fifteen  to  twenty  millions,  was  largely  indebted,  and  cOuhi 
not  even  pay  the  interest  on  her  liabilities.  Would  gentlemen,  under  cif- 
comstances  like  these,  unless  the  honor  of  the  nation  required  it,  plung^e 


mporary  fit 
^he  British 
»e  countiy 
»e  half  of 
eople  were 
d  by  their 
1  hearts  to^ 
ids  of  our 
!ie  world; 
;  and  be- 
igGod— 
etofore — 
lies  with 
rgle,  and 
ippeai'ed 
ed  theirt 
we, and 


19 

the  country  headlong  into  a  wild  and  precipitate  war  ?    He  trusted  noi^*^  exciusivel 
How  was  our  present  debt  to  be  met  ?    and  how  were  we  to  pay  thf*'*  expect 
millions  more  which  such  a  war  would  impose?    Again,  he  repeated  thatjf*''*"^''^''^** 
>our  national  honor  not  being  at  stake,  we  should,  before  taking  such  a  hastj^  *■"'"&'  *" 
Btep,  look  well  to  the  fearful  consequences.  jentleman  a 

But  what  more  was  there  in  our  situation  which  makes  this  so  particu-^  "®  engrat  ei 
larly  inappropriate  a  time  to  enter  upon  a  great  military  contest  ?    Wh 
was  at  present  in  contemplation  by  a  majority  on  that  floor  ?    The  chair-f''^®*"^ '" 
man  of  the  Committee  of  Ways  and  Means  was  engaged  in  preparing  al**®^****^""^®    | 
bill  to  reduce  the  existing  tariff,  under  the  professed  pretext  of  increasing'®'''"®™®"  °^' 
the  revenue.     The  House  hed  been  expecting  it  for  sometime,  and  jtteen  accuston 
would  probably  be  brought  in  witliin  a  few  days.     The  tariff  of  1842  was'''^^  defamati 
lo  be  largely  reduced;  and  when  that  should  have  been  done,  where  would •'•"^  °"®  ^'^^ 
be  our  revenue  to  carry  on  the  war?    The  present  tarifl"  produced  us  some^'y*     ^^' 
twenty-seven  or  twenty-eight  millions,  and  our  regular  peace  establishment '"  """  ^  ^^ 
lequired  at  least  twenty -five  millions  of  that  amount.    Lessen  the  duties,  and    "®  **'" ' 
what  amount  would  be  collected?     Certainly  not  as  much  as  at  present,  if  '^  abrogate  tn 
peaces  should  continue.     But  how  much  might  be  expected  should  we  go  |P*^"  ^      '^^ 
■to  war?    Not  over  five  millions.     War  must  necessarily  check  our  com-  *art,  deciannj 
uierce  and  prevent  importations,  and  bring  desolation  and  ruin  on  our  rev-  ""v  quesuon 
enue.     There  would  at  once  be  a  deficit  of  twenty  millions  for  a  peace  accompanying 
establishment,  and  how  much  inorewouilbe  required  for  war?    At  least  \^^^'     """* 
thirty  millions  annually.     Where  are  we  tv.   get  it?    From  the  tariff,  now  namtam  so  n 
to  be  revised  and  reduced?    No:  nor  by  thn     riff  of  1842  witho.a  reduc-     would  invit 
tion;  nor  by  any  other  tariff.     Resort  must  be  ...  d  to  direct  taxation.    'The  ^^^-     *^®ace 
last  resort  to  collect  annually  the  sum  of  fifty  millions  by  direct  taxation   ''®  nation  na( 
upon  the  labor  and  toil  of  a  people  already  oppressed  with  liabilities  under 
the  Sub-treasury  system,  which  requires  all  Government  dues  to  be  collect- 
ed in  gold  and  silver,  would  be  intolerable  oppression  upon  the  country. 

Again,  therefore,  he  insisted  that,  as  no  question  of  honor  was  involved, 
it  would  be  right  to  pause,  to  look  at  the  bearing  of  so  great  and  hazardous 
a  measure,  and  not  rashly  compromit  the  labor,  and  treasure,  and  peace, 
and  blood  of  the  nation.  Gentlemen  should  not  approach  such  a  question 
like  zealots,  but  like  statesmen. 

The  favorite  system  of  the  gentleman  from  Virginia  behind  him  (Mr. 
Dromgoole)  was  soon  to  come  into  view.  Instead  of  returning  again  to 
the  cursed  paper  system,  as  it  had  been  termed,  the  gentleman's  favorite 
iSub-treasury  was  to  be  held  out  for  the  adoption  of  the  House;  and  all  the 
currency  of  the  country,  at  least  in  all  Government  transactions,  was  to  con- 


ficreased  evei 
le  same  coui 

rong. 

Gentlemen 

!3ry  little  sac 

T  war  thatu 

iced  the  glit 

i»  the  death 

Kaces,  ot  no 

om  the  hill 

le  honor  of 

ful  been  doi 

iie  tented  fi( 


13 


trusted  no(jl^^  exclusively  of  gold  and  silver.    And  how  did  the  very  learned  gentle- 
to  pay  thl'*'*  expect  that  we  were  to  get  a  revenue  of  fifty  five  mUIions  of  dollars 
ipeated  thatl'^'^^^^'X '  ^  ^  P'^'^  '^  S^^^  ^"^  silver  ?  It  was  a  waste  of  time  to  think  of  such 
3uch  a  hast]l^^^"S>  ^^^  ^^  attempt  to  exact  it  would  impoverish  the  country.    The 
.  lentleman's  fine  machine  would  not  work,  and  no  such  monetrdiiity  ought 
so  particu4  ^^  engrafted  on  the  policy  of  our  Government. 

est?  What'  "^  gentleman  fi-ora  Ohio  (Mr.  BrinkerIiopf)  had  on  yesterday  rejoiced 
The  chair-f^^^'y  ^^  finciing  himself  in  company  with  the  venerable  gentleman  from 
preparing  ^Massachusetts  on  this  question .  He  had  lauded  him  to  the  skies,  as  other 
f  increasinff'®"'^^'"^'*  ^^^^  ^^®  ^^Y  ^^^  <^°"®  during  this  debate,  who  had  formerly 
me,  and  it ^een  accustomed  to  abuse  him.  Gentlemen  who  had  lived  and  breathed 
•f  1842  was^'^h  defamations  of  that  venerable  man  upon  tlieir  lips  were  now  ready, 
here  would ^'^^^  °"®  accord,  to  place  his  name  on  the  fairest  page  of  his  country's  his- 
;ed  us  some'^'y*  ^'■-  ^-  ^^^  "**^  really  know  what  the  gentleman  had  done  to  bring 
tablishment '"  ^^^  ^  t?nddenly  this  profusion  of  praises. 

duties,  and  He  said ,  if  it  was  proper  to  give  to  Great  Britain  notice  of  our  determination 
present,  if '^  *^brogate  the  convention  of  1827,  let  an  additional  clause  be  engraftfd 
oiild  we  go  |P**"  *'^®  resolutions,  containing  assurances  of  a  friendly  disposition  on  our 
our  com-  >art,  declaring  that  we  are  ready  to  renew  the  negotiation ,  and  settle  this 
in  our  rev-  ''"'y  question  of  diflTerence  between  the  two  Governments.  Such  a  clause 
for  a  peace  Accompanying  the  notice  would  tend  to  check  the  mad  career  of  both  na- 
At  least  \o^^-  While  it  >\ould  show,  on  the  one  hand,  that  we  were  determined  to 
tariff  now  maintain  so  much  of  our  rights  to  Oregon  as  were  clear  and  unquestionable, 
would  invite  England  to  renew  the  negotiations  in  a  spirit  of  compro- 
mise. Peace  was  our  manifest  policy.  Under  its  mild  and  gende  sway, 
'le  nation  bad  grown  up  from  infancy  to  manhood ,  while  a  prosperity  which 
iicreased  every  hour  had  been  spread  around  its  path.  Let  us  persevere  in 
le  same  course,  yielding  nothing  of  our  rights,  claiming  nothing  that  was 
rong.  r.Uiyh 

Gentlemen  might  clamor  as  much  as  they  chose  for  war,  and  do  this  at 
iry  little  sacrifice,  because  it  was  not  those  who  were  generally  most  noisy 
T  war  that  usually  fought  our  battles  when  war  came.  Who  was  it  that 
need  the  glittering  front  of  hostile  arms  ?  Who  was  it  that  bared  his  bosom 
n  the  death-shot  and  bayonets  of  the  foe  ?  Not  usuMly  those  in  high 
fiaces,  or  noisy  politicians.  It  was  our  gallant  and  hardy  log-cabin  boys, 
om  the  hills  and  from  the  mountains,  who  maintained  on  the  bloody  field 
le  honor  of  their  country.  Mr.  C.  had  often  thought  that  justice  never 
lul  been  done  to  those  suffering  and  unpretending  men.  They  entered 
ue  tented  field,  and  in  the  deadly  shock  of  arms  they  fell  covered  with  glo- 


Jut  reduc- 
on.  ^The 
t  taxation 
ties  under 
)e  collect- 
unlry. 
involved, 
mzardous 
lid  peace, 
question 


an 


(Mr. 
again  to 
i  favorite 
d  all  the 
s  to  con- 


14 


ly  and  witlji  blood,  and  in  a  few  houcs  they  were  thrown  into  a  promiscjl 
OUB  grt^ye,  wbea  the  grae^  sod  eoon  coveted  their  dust,  w)d  tbek  nantii 
fnd  the  places  of  burial  weie  forever  forgotteo;  while  he  wlio  leaped  ov^ 
Hofivt  dead  bodies  and  marched  through  tiieir  yet  warm  and  gupbing;  bloo<i 
«|i^oyed  all  the  fruits  and  all  the  glory  of  yicU,>ry,  aod  tbe  poor  soldier  s) 
in  the  bosom  of  the  land  of  Uis  fathers  and  was  foi^goUeiii 

And  here  it  would  not  be  out  of  place  to  allude  for  a  moment  to  the  di4 
Uibution  policy.  He  invoked  gentlemen  to  cany  that  policy  out, and  thij 
\o  let  the  poor  soldier  know  that,  when  he  left  the  wife  of  his  bosom  and  til 
pledges  of  love,  for  the  sultry  march  to  the  field  of  death,  if  h?  fell,  thf 
his  Government  would  educate  his  children..  Thi«<  reflection  would  thri<) 
«rm  him  for  the  conflict.  I 

In  conclusion,  Mr.  C.  inquired,  who  was  it  that  would  check  our  o^ 
ward  march  to  future  greatness  and  glory  ?  Under  our  present  system  4 
government,  with  wise  laws  and  their  faithful  maintenance,  a  noble  destiii 
awaits  us — a  destiny,  the  contemplation  of  which  fills  every  American  b( 
8om  with  patriotic  emotions.  Behold  this  glorious  galaxy  of  Slates,  ho| 
beautiful  they  shine,  cemented  together  as  they  are  by  the  blood  of  our  r4 
volutionary  sires.  And  none  in  this  cluster  shines  more  brightly  than  ni 
own  native  TenneiEBee.  Christianity  herself  smiles  at  the  scene,  and  ri 
gards  this  favored  country  as  her  cherished  home,  as  she  beholds  untol 
millions  of  the  sons  and  daughters  of  freedom  worshipping  in  the  temple  k 
liberty  and  at  the  altar  of  tlie  living  God.  | 

But  if  war,  that  scourge  of  nations  with  which  a  righteous  Providenif 
punishes  guilty  man,  was  destined  for  our  chastisement — if  all  negotiatioi| 
and  every  efTort  for  peace  should  finally  fail,  and  our  only  honorable  resoj 
should  be  to  the  sword — then  welcome  war,  with  ail  its  elemeiUs  of  destruj 
tion  and  death.  When  the  voice  of  war  shall  be  heard  calling  the  bra| 
to  the  field,  Tennessee  will  be  with  the  foremost  to  the  rescue;  and  in  tlji 
darkest  liour  of  her  struggle,  where  balls  fall  tliickeet,  in  the  hottest  Oi  th 
battle,  will  be  seen  her  brave  and  gallant  sous,  with  strong  arms  and  patf 
otic  aearts,bearingaloft,amid  the  raging  storm,  our  flag,  with  'Hbe,  stars  ai) 
the  stripes,"  until  the  shouts  of  the  brave  and  the  true  siiall  prockiim  it  vi|| 
tohous  again ,  or  until  they  fall  and  perisli  for  tbe  land  of  their  fathers  th| 
cannot  be  saved. 


to  «i  promise! 
id  tb«ic  Banoi 
tu)  leaped  ovj 
jupbing  blooj 
»or  soldier  slei 

i 
iont  to  the  di^ 
r  out,  and  thil 
bosom  and  U* 
if  hefoll.tbf 
n  would  thria 

check  our  o^ 
isent  system  ^ 
Et  noble  deetiii 
r  American  b| 
of  Slates,  hojl 
lood  of  our  r4 
r"itly  than  raj 
scene,  and  r^ 
leholds  untol 
1  the  templ«  i 
Ml  ."•  «ii\hi}/it 
lus  Providenc 
ill  negotiatioit 
onorable  resof 
ents  of  destrui 
Jling  the  braf 
;ue;  and  in  ti^ 
I  hottest  bi  tl^ 
:trms  and  pati 
'Ulie.  stars  ai| 
proclaim  it  vif 
leir  fathers  th 

;  s^iiii  9fU  nf«*i 


